While Iranian officials promised a "harsh response" to the twin bombing that killed at least 84 people on January 3, ordinary Iranians appeared more concerned about their security and the loss of innocent lives than retribution.
The feelings expressed by Iranians in comments to RFE/RL's Radio Farda and on social media were a mix of sadness, anger, and bewilderment. Many questioned how such an attack could be allowed to happen, or how Tehran could justify its military adventures abroad and intrusion into their everyday lives when dangerous threats exist at home.
Officially, the focus on the day after the deadly attacks was to honor the dead with a day of mourning. But revenge against those who targeted commemorations in the southeastern city of Kerman four years after the assassination of Iranian Quds Force commander Qasem Soleimani was clearly on the minds of authorities.
"A very strong retaliation will be handed to them on the hands of the soldiers of Soleimani," First Vice President Mohammad Mokhber told reporters on January 4 at a hospital where some of the more than 280 people injured in the attack were being treated.
The Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps (IRGC), of which the Quds Force serves as an elite fighting force abroad, vowed in a statement that the attack would "strengthen the resolve to decisively and justly punish the perpetrators.”
Describing the attack as a cowardly act, the IRGC said the perpetrators' intention was "creating insecurity and seeking revenge against the nation's deep love and devotion to the Islamic republic."
Iranian officials and tightly controlled state media first pinned responsibility for what they called a "terrorist attack" on Israel and the United States, which denied any involvement. Later on January 4, the Islamic State extremist group said two of its suicide bombers were responsible for the attack in Kerman.
But there has been little questioning among the authorities or state media of the security forces' inability to prevent the attack on a gathering of thousands of people.
Only a member of parliament's Energy Security Commission, Fereydoun Abbasi, suggested in an interview with the IRGC-affiliated Tabnak news site that "negligence on the part of guards or security forces" may have played a part.
Interior Minister Ahmad Vahidi, after claiming that the attack was part of a broader conspiracy by Iran's enemies to attack large ceremonies, gave televised assurances on January 4 that "security, intelligence, and law enforcement agencies are fully aware and in control."
Comments sent by Iranians to Radio Farda questioned that narrative, referencing Iran's military involvement in the Middle East and the ongoing crackdown on opposition activists and women who violate Iran's strict hijab law.
"Why do you ensure the security of Karbala [in Iraq] but not a street in Iran!?" asked one listener who gave their name as Parham.
"Have you noticed that instead [of freedom], we have security?" asked a listener named Atefeh. "Or are more [military] operations being carried out?"
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Similar sentiments were expressed by Iranians on social media.
"When all your focus is on the hijab, fines, and confiscating cars, you become negligent of the people's security!" wrote one user of X, formerly Twitter. Confiscating cars is one of many penalties for drivers and passengers caught not wearing a hijab.
"I am saddened for Kerman and worried for Iran, worried about the security that has faded," wrote another X user from Iran.
Others singled out recent cases of pressure against Iranian civilians and activists, such as that of pediatrician Mohammad Shojaa, who was arrested in North Khorasan Province on January 3 for an Instagram post that allegedly insulted those killed in the Kerman bombing.
"Well done, Mr. Prosecutor," one X user wrote sarcastically.