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Taiwanese soldiers handle their guns during an anti-landing defense drill in New Taipei City.
Taiwanese soldiers handle their guns during an anti-landing defense drill in New Taipei City. (file photo)

TAIPEI, Taiwan -- Just a few days after US President Donald Trump sparred with his Ukrainian counterpart, Volodymyr Zelenskyy, in a televised spat in the Oval Office, the self-governing island of Taiwan took a different approach to deal with the American leader.

While Zelenskyy left the White House without signing a planned minerals deal and with future US support for Kyiv's defense against Russia hanging in the balance, Taiwan Semiconductor Manufacturing Company, or TSMC, the world's largest manufacturer of microchips, announced on March 3 a massive $100 billion investment plan in the United States involving new plants, packaging facilities, and a research center.

Standing in the White House, TSMC CEO C.C. Wei said customer demand rather than political pressures drove the company to announce the chip investment. But Trump told a news conference the deal meant TSMC would avoid the industry-wide 25 percent tariffs being deployed to bring more manufacturing to the US market.

Taiwan's Civil Defense Groups Take Inspiration From Ukraine War
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"Taiwan's main item to offer is chips, and when Trump talks about us, he nearly always talks about chips," Jason Hsu, a former Taiwanese lawmaker and a senior fellow at the Hudson Institute, told RFE/RL. "This is a way to get out in front and keep him close."

While Kyiv has since gone on to mend its ties with Washington, the contrasting episodes highlight the differing approaches taken by Kyiv and Taipei, and how Taiwan is learning from Ukraine's experiences on and off the battlefield.

As China showcases its military dominance and exerts growing diplomatic pressure on Taiwan to submit to Chinese rule, analysts, military planners, and Taiwanese officials who spoke to RFE/RL say that the lessons from the Ukraine war for the island of 23 million people are widespread, ranging from how to prepare a society for conflict to how to –- and how not to –- deal with the US president.

What Is Taiwan Learning From The Ukraine War?

Since Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine, Taipei has been a vocal supporter of Kyiv, which the Taiwanese government sees as similar to its own geopolitical position where Beijing has long threatened to invade and annex the island if it refused to peacefully accept unification.

For both Ukraine and Taiwan, their first line of support has come from the United States. Diplomatic backing for Kyiv, along with military aid and intelligence cooperation –- which were recently restored following a pause after the Oval Office clash –- has been crucial in giving Ukraine the tools to resist Russia.

Similarly, Taiwan relies on US military and political support. Under the Taiwan Relations Act, the United States is legally obligated to provide Taiwan with the means to defend itself against a possible attack by China.

But Trump's recent rhetoric has cast uncertainty over the future of US-Taiwan relations, particularly his repeated accusations of the island "stealing" the US semiconductor industry, a claim that has been disputed, while also saying Taiwan should pay the United States for "protection."

"What happened with Zelenskyy is a reminder of the tightrope that's being walked," said Hsu. "The No. 1 principle that Taiwan needs to recognize is that Trump is a transactional politician who wants to do deals and always wants something in return."

But Taiwanese officials say there are far broader takeaways for the island from the war in Ukraine.

Wu Chih-chung, Taiwan's deputy foreign minister, told RFE/RL that the biggest lesson learned so far from Ukraine is that the island and the wider international community can't "be naive" about Chinese leader Xi Jinping's ambitions for Taiwan the same way many were about Russian President Vladimir Putin in the years leading up his invasion of Ukraine.

Wu says the country's current leadership is following a "not today policy," designed around building up Taiwan's relations with partners, including across Europe, and deterring Beijing by showing that any Chinese military moves would be too costly.

How Is Taiwan Preparing For A Potential Crisis?

Part of that policy is making society more resilient amid Beijing's mounting pressure towards the island, which it regards as a rogue province.

Taiwanese President Lai Ching-te launched the Whole of Society Defense Resilience Committee in 2024, which is designed to prepare the country to face natural and human-made disasters, including the threat of blockade or invasion by China. This move has coincided with a rise in the number and membership of so-called civil defense organizations in Taiwan that teach everything from first aid to evacuation planning, and in some cases, how to navigate combat.

With An Eye On Ukraine, Taiwan Prepares For Trump 2.0
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Those steps to better prepare the island and raise awareness among citizens took a step forward on March 14 when Lai labeled China a "foreign hostile force" and announced ramped-up national security measures in the face of growing threats and a string of spying cases, including in Taiwan's military.

"China has been taking advantage of democratic Taiwan's freedom, diversity, and openness to recruit gangs, the media, commentators, political parties, and even active-duty and retired members of the armed forces and police to carry out actions to divide, destroy, and subvert us from within," Lai said in a televised speech to the nation.

Philip Yu, a nonresident fellow at the Atlantic Council who is a retired rear admiral in the US Navy, told RFE/RL that "among the many lessons that Ukraine can offer Taiwan is the importance of protection of critical infrastructures, along with civil defense preparedness."

While the early days of Moscow's full-scale invasion saw scenes of Russian tanks pushing towards Kyiv, a crisis around Taiwan could come in a variety of forms.

Taiwanese policymakers must contend with deterring an outright invasion of Taiwan, but China could also launch a blockade of the island designed to choke off trade and supplies until it submits to Beijing.

Another scenario would be what security analysts called a quarantine, which means China could restrict air and maritime traffic into Taiwan and tighten its control over the flow of commerce using its coast guard and other law-enforcement forces, rather than its military.

Such a move could lead to difficulties in mobilizing international support for Taiwan and leave the island vulnerable before a response could be launched.

"As an island nation reliant on maritime imports for about 97 percent of its energy needs, Taiwan faces acute risks and vulnerabilities," Yu said.

What Is Taiwan's Strategy For Trump?

Trump has yet to detail his policy toward Taiwan and has said he won't state whether he would send US forces to defend Taiwan in a crisis or not.

On the campaign trail, Trump also called for Taiwan to spend more on its own defense –- even saying it should be spending 10 percent of gross domestic product (GDP) –- and the island has taken notice.

US President Donald Trump shakes hands with C.C. Wei, Chairman and CEO of TSMC, after annoucing a $100 billion investment on March 3.
US President Donald Trump shakes hands with C.C. Wei, chairman and CEO of TSMC, after announcing a $100 billion investment on March 3.

Taiwan has increased its military spending in recent years and extended the duration of mandatory military service to one year from four months. But military spending currently sits at 2.45 percent of GDP, and Taiwanese Premier Cho Jung-tai said raising the island's defense spending to 10 percent of gross domestic product was infeasible.

Adding to the pressure is that Taiwan's opposition-controlled legislature approved cuts to government spending in January, complicating the path for bigger military-spending increases.

Against that backdrop, Taiwan's government is looking to head off any newfound skepticism out of Washington.

As ways to appeal to Trump's dealmaking, Taipei continues to hint at big-ticket weapons purchase plans, and the possibility of boosting imports of gas from the United States is also being explored. Some researchers have argued that gas, which would require US ships and processing terminals, could offer Taiwan additional protection from Chinese interference.

But Taiwan's strongest card to play may be its strategic semiconductor industry. TSMC, which announced the large deal earlier this month, produces more than 90 percent of the world's advanced semiconductors, which power everything from smartphones and artificial intelligence to weapons.

Few industries are as critical –- or as concentrated –- as semiconductor manufacturing, and TSMC and other Taiwanese chip makers have top US brands like Nvidia as their partners.

The recent $100 billion investment has faced some pushback at home, out of fears that moving more manufacturing to the United States could leave Taiwan vulnerable as its key role as a chipmaker for the global economy is seen by some analysts as a form of protection against a possible Chinese attack.

It's still unclear if TSMC will be making its most advanced chips in the United States or not, but Hsu, the former lawmaker, says leveraging Taiwan's dominant position is the correct move to make.

"It's give-and-take. It's an important lesson for us to learn," Hsu said. "This is a different America than four years ago, and it's certainly a different world than four years ago. We need to be pragmatic."

Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy and U.S. President Donald Trump during a meeting at the White House on February 28.
Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy and US President Donald Trump during a meeting at the White House on February 28.

After a week of runaway diplomacy around how to end the war in Ukraine that has widened rifts between the United States and other Western powers and raised new questions about the future of US assistance for Ukraine, China is looking at how it can capitalize.

For Beijing, the diplomatic fissures between the United States and its European allies -- the latest of which was opened up by an Oval Office clash between US President Donald Trump and his Ukrainian counterpart, Volodymyr Zelenskyy -- presents new opportunities to repair its own battered relations with Europe.

The fallout could also ripple out to Asia, where countries aligned with Washington, such as Taiwan, are grappling with the implications of a more transactional United States and the opportunities that could create for China as it looks to ramp up pressure and assert itself more powerfully in the Pacific.

“This has been pretty unequivocally good for China,” Andrew Small, a senior fellow at the German Marshall Fund in Berlin who previously advised the European Commission on China strategy, told RFE/RL. “Beijing sees the wider opportunities that this could bring, from Taiwan contingencies to more global cooperation with Russia to a weakened United States.”

How Can China Benefit From The US Policy Shift?

China had already been reaching out to Brussels and European capitals before the dustup in Washington that saw Zelenskyy leave the White House early without signing an important minerals deal after being berated by Trump and Vice President JD Vance.

That ongoing outreach by Chinese diplomats has looked to exploit fears that US efforts to reset the relationship with Russia and quickly end the war in Ukraine could leave European countries abandoned by their ally, three European Union officials told RFE/RL.

Why Did Zelenskyy Reject Calls For A Quick Cease-Fire In The Russia-Ukraine War?
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Beijing, which has professed neutrality but has supported Russia amid its full-scale invasion of Ukraine, is now looking to expand on its pitch and benefit from the transatlantic rift, including from Trump’s plan to hit goods made in the EU with 25 percent tariffs, which Brussels said it would retaliate against with countermeasures of its own against the US economy.

Small says that this Chinese effort is still in an early “fact-finding phase” to “discover what kind of openings are available in this new context.”

“Whatever China puts forward will be met with skepticism,” he said. “But Beijing thinks they will see some opportunities if they can navigate this first phase, especially if tariffs hit.”

Does China Want To Be A Peacemaker In Ukraine?

China has largely been content to remain on the margins amid the flurry of diplomatic activity since Trump took office in January, but officials have been probing the European side.

At the Munich Security Conference in February, Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi said that China believes all stakeholders should participate in peace talks, underscoring Europe's role in them ahead of US-Russia talks in Riyadh that did not include Kyiv or European officials.

“If I was Beijing, I’d be telling the Europeans what they want to hear and one thing they want to hear is that Europe and Kyiv should be at the table to discuss Ukraine’s future,” Zsuzsa Anna Ferenczy, an assistant professor at National Dong Hwa University in Taiwan and a former adviser to the European Parliament, told RFE/RL.

On the sidelines of the conference, retired Chinese colonel Zhou Bo made headlines during an interview in which he floated the prospect of Chinese and Indian peacekeepers in Ukraine as part of a settlement to end the war.

That was followed by comments by Wang at the Group of 20 (G20) meeting of foreign ministers in South Africa where he said that the recent US-Russia talks in Saudi Arabia were a “window of opportunity for peace” in Ukraine and that “China will continue playing a constructive role in the political settlement of the crisis.”

Ferenczy sees these comments as trial balloons as Beijing tests how receptive its outreach will be, but she cautions that years of trade spats between Brussels and Beijing, as well as strained ties from China's economic support of Russia throughout the war and the supply of dual-use goods for its war efforts, will be difficult to shake.

Beijing will also need to overcome the perception that its diplomatic efforts are more about image building than actual peacemaking.

Soon after the war began, Chinese leader Xi Jinping rushed to paint China as neutral and Chinese diplomats called for peace at international forums. In 2023, Beijing issued a 12-point peace plan for Ukraine that seemed designed to set the stage for a cease-fire and peace talks, but it provided no clear roadmap to end the war and was dismissed by Western officials as setting the stage for a peace on Russia’s terms.

In a similar vein, EU officials say that Beijing is yet to present any new offers to the 27-country bloc in its early rounds of outreach beyond rhetoric about an unreliable United States and the prospect of normalizing trade relations.

“It’s unavoidable that we will be affected by statements from Beijing that sound good to us,” Ferenczy said. “But a less reliable United States doesn’t make China more reliable all of a sudden.”

Will Tensions Over Ukraine Diplomacy Affect Asia?

The Trump administration has said that its efforts are designed to push allies to pay a bigger share of their own defense needs, recalibrate trade relationships, and bring an end to the war in Ukraine.

US Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth has also said that, if the United States were to scale back military assistance for Ukraine, it would allow Washington to focus its resources on the Asia-Pacific region, where the administration has said countering China is a priority.

But there are early signs that Washington’s approach to ending the war in Ukraine will have ripple effects further east, particularly in Taiwan, the self-governing island that Beijing has vowed to annex if it refuses to peacefully accept unification.

Taiwan has long faced the possibility of a Chinese invasion, but pressure also looks to be growing.

With An Eye On Ukraine, Taiwan Prepares For Trump 2.0
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On February 28, China’s Defense Ministry would not rule out the use of force against Taiwan, and its spokesman Wu Qian warned the United States that “playing sneaky tricks on Taiwan would only backfire.”

Those comments came after Taiwanese authorities said they had detained a cargo ship crewed by Chinese nationals, which they believe may have severed an undersea communications cable. Following that, the Chinese military held what Taipei said was unannounced "shooting training" off the island’s southern coast.

Taiwan’s ability to deter a potential attack hinges on whether the United States stands ready to help, and the Taiwanese government has seen US assistance for Ukraine as something of a bellwether for how Washington could react in the event of a crisis with China.

Ryan Hass, a former director for China on the US National Security Council, said that Trump’s efforts to end the war in Ukraine and his recent spat with Zelenskyy in the Oval Office will no doubt cause anxiety in Taipei, but added that Taiwan’s unique position as the manufacturer of 90 percent of the world’s most-advanced semiconductors leave it in a unique position with the United States.

Trump has called for Taipei to increase defense spending and said that he wants to move some of the island’s semiconductor foundries, which manufacturers the chips largely for US tech companies, to the United States. Any type of relocation, however, would be a costly and slow process.

Hass says this makes Taiwan “indispensable to Trump’s goals for an American industrial renaissance” as he looks to revamp manufacturing back home.

“Taiwan needs the US, but the U. also needs Taiwan,” Hass wrote on X. “Trump knows this fact. There is a complementary division of labor between US tech companies and Taiwan’s chip foundries that cannot be replaced.”

The CEO of Taiwan Semiconductor Manufacturing Company (TSMC) visited the White House on March 3 and afterward announced plans to make a fresh $100 billion investment in the United States.

TSMC, the world's largest contract chipmaker and a leading supplier to major US hardware manufacturers, said the plan involves building five facilities in the United States in coming years.

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In recent years, it has become impossible to tell the biggest stories shaping Eurasia without considering China’s resurgent influence in local business, politics, security, and culture.

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