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Steve Gutterman's Week In Russia

While Viktor Zolotov’s 19th-century talk of a duel and “military honor” may have been meant to put him on the moral high ground, it came across as a menacing mix of real, raw emotion and the halting diction of a nonactor reading from badly organized cue cards.
While Viktor Zolotov’s 19th-century talk of a duel and “military honor” may have been meant to put him on the moral high ground, it came across as a menacing mix of real, raw emotion and the halting diction of a nonactor reading from badly organized cue cards.

One of Vladimir Putin’s closest allies broke the Kremlin taboo on speaking Aleksei Navalny’s name – and vowed to make “mincemeat” out of him in a duel.

Two alleged GRU officers went on TV to explain why they were in Salisbury the day Sergei and Yulia Skripal were poisoned, telling a story that critics said had more holes than the International Space Station.

And Putin stunned Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe with a proposal to sign a World War II peace treaty before the year is out.

Here are some of the key developments in Russia over the past week, and some of the takeaways going forward.

'Mincemeat'

The name that shall not be spoken has been spoken – and then some.

Russian President Vladimir Putin has been careful to avoid uttering the name of his most prominent critic for the last five years, referring unmistakably to Aleksei Navalny on numerous occasions without actually naming him – and much of the Kremlin administration appears to be in on the omerta, not least its main mouthpiece, Dmitry Peskov.

The taboo was suddenly shattered this week by one of Putin’s oldest and closest allies: Viktor Zolotov, his former bodyguard and now chief of the National Guard – an internal security force dubbed Putin’s personal praetorian guard by commentators – lashed out at Navalny in a remarkable rant posted on both his agency’s YouTube channel and its official website.

Russian opposition leader Aleksei Navalny -- who is now serving a 30-day jail sentence -- gestures in a courtroom in Moscow on August 27.
Russian opposition leader Aleksei Navalny -- who is now serving a 30-day jail sentence -- gestures in a courtroom in Moscow on August 27.

Challenging Navalny to a duel in the fighting form of his choice and vowing to quickly pound him into mincemeat – or “a nice juicy steak,” as some translations had it – Zolotov also called the opposition leader and a handful of other Putin critics “rotten, rusty, and decaying” people with “no morals” and “no country, no Fatherland.”

Zolotov wore a high, heavily adorned officer’s cap and the dress of his general’s rank. But the tirade was a gloves-off attack on Putin’s opponents – not just Navalny but also former oil tycoon Mikhail Khodorkovsky and, by extension, all those who have countered Putin or promoted an alternative to the Kremlin’s narrative during his nearly two-decade rule over Russia.

And while Zolotov’s 19th-century talk of a duel and “military honor” may have been meant to put him on the moral high ground, looking down at Navalny through the sight of an ivory-handled pistol, it came across as a menacing mix of real, raw emotion and the halting diction of a nonactor reading from badly organized cue cards.

The tirade was particularly startling because Putin, a longtime former KGB officer, has always sought to portray the fellow siloviki he has brought into top positions as a class above critics like Navalny, using their need to resort to street protests and other methods outside the Kremlin-dominated political system as evidence that they belong on the margins and should stay there, sidelined from discourse between state and society.

Parsing Putin’s Protector

Zolotov did the opposite, commentators said, stooping to take a swipe at Navalny – and in doing so abandoning the mantle of military honor that he was professing to defend. And he did so while the target of his tirade was in jail – held for 30 days over a January protest in a case supporters contend was used to keep him off the streets while Russia held local and regional elections on September 9.

Linguist Maksim Krongaus, who analyzed the six-minute video, said Zolotov shifted swiftly from “the noble language of the past” to “an absolutely – I won’t say gangster context, but a kind of street lingo.”

“In an instant, this high speech falls to the ground,” he told Current Time TV, a Russian-language network run by RFE/RL in cooperation with VOA.

Zolotov apparently laid himself open to mockery, and critics on social media quickly moved in for the kill. The video spawned a slew of memes and acerbic responses, many of them challenging him to a one-on-one showdown in everything from breastfeeding and baking to swimming and tic-tac-toe.

Meanwhile, others looked for a motive. Some speculated that Zolotov was on his way out and seeking a way to save face, and some saw evidence of infighting in the ranks of the siloviki.

Putin in the past has publicly criticized security officials who take their closed-door disputes public, and rifts that break out from under the carpet have been seen as signs of his system of rule threatening to unravel.

While that seems far from imminent, Zolotov’s rant undercut Putin's talk of letting the courts, which he claims are independent, settle disputes.

The National Guard chief’s tough, ominous tone seems to suggest that, at least in the understanding of Putin’s former bodyguard and the man responsible for reining in protests, if a showdown between the Kremlin and its opponents does come, it will not be contested in courts or at the ballot box -- it will be fought on the street with firearms, knives, or bare fists.

There has been no public comment from Putin, and his spokesman’s remarks suggested a balancing act.

“Sometimes any possible methods should be employed in opposing shameless libel," Peskov said, but he added that Zolotov’s remarks were not cleared by Putin’s administration in advance.

Peskov also said he did not see Zolotov’s words as constituting a physical threat.

Um, OK. Figurative mincemeat, then.

Russia-watchers also saw evidence of a spat between rival security agencies in the developments surrounding the two men Britain suspects traveled to the English city of Salisbury and smeared a deadly nerve agent on Sergei Skripal’s front door in March, poisoning the former spy and his daughter and deepening the already severe strains in ties between Moscow and the West.

By some accounts, their public exposure in an interview on Russian television was punishment – of both the suspects themselves and the GRU, Russia’s military intelligence service -- for bungling a presumed plot to kill Skripal and for being found out.

Your Wish Is My Command

While Putin kept his silence on Zolotov, he spoke out about the Novichok case while hosting an economic forum in Vladivostok, saying that Russian authorities had “found” the two suspects and that there was “nothing criminal” about them. He said that Aleksandr Petrov and Ruslan Boshirov are civilians – not officers of the GRU, as Britain alleges -- and urged them to come forward and tell their side of the story.

“That would be better for everyone,” Putin said.

Sure enough, two men with the same names and seemingly the same faces as those caught on a Gatwick airport security camera sat down just hours later – if the announced timing is accurate -- for a half-hour interview with state-funded TV station RT.

Suspects In Novichok Poisoning Case Say They Were In Salisbury "As Tourists"
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Before British Prime Minister Theresa May could say that the interview was full of “lies and blatant fabrications,” cybersleuths had spotted innumerable flaws in their explanation of why they were in Salisbury the day Skripal and his daughter were poisoned.

If the suspects’ story left many questions unanswered, here’s another: Does Putin care?

Over the past few years, Russian officials have spun numerous outlandish narratives about issues such as the war in Ukraine, chemical-weapons attacks in Syria, alleged interference in the 2016 U.S. presidential election, and the Novichok affair -- and have not blinked when faced by widespread doubt, dispute, and mockery.

Meanwhile, Putin’s comments about the case were not the only remarks he made in Vladivostok that were seen by some as trolling.

On stage alongside Shinzo Abe, Putin heard the Japanese prime minister suggest that the pace of movement toward a treaty formally ending World War II hostilities between Japan and Russia – which both claim a group of islands occupied by Soviet forces at the end of the war -- was too slow.

Apparently seeing an opening, Putin moved quickly to call Abe’s bluff.

'This Is Called Trolling'

"Shinzo said, 'Let's change our approaches.' Let's! Let's conclude a peace agreement…by the end of the year, without any preconditions," Putin said.

Putin’s offer – to end a seemingly intractable 73-year-old dispute in the relative blink of an eye -- was met with applause. But not from Abe.

He may have realized that what sounded like a win-win proposition might actually be a win for only one side, cementing Russia’s control over the islands and leaving Japan with little to show for it.

Russian President Vladimir Putin (right) meets with Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe in Vladivostok on September 10.
Russian President Vladimir Putin (right) meets with Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe in Vladivostok on September 10.

There was no immediate response from Abe, but he made clear two days later that Tokyo, as before, wants a deal setting out possession of the islands before it will sign a peace pact.

“Of course, Japan’s stance is to resolve the territorial dispute and then conclude a peace treaty,” he said.

Commenting on Ekho Moskvy radio, former Russian Deputy Foreign Minister Georgy Kunadze said he did not think Putin’s proposal was made in good faith.

"This is called trolling,” Kunadze said.

A handout photo of the two men whom London accuses of being Russian intelligence officers who traveled to the English town of Salisbury to poison former spy Sergei Skripal.
A handout photo of the two men whom London accuses of being Russian intelligence officers who traveled to the English town of Salisbury to poison former spy Sergei Skripal.

Editor's Note: To receive Steve Gutterman's Week In Russia each week via e-mail, subscribe by clicking here.

Britain named, charged, and published photographs of the two alleged Russian military intelligence officers it says traveled to England on a mission to kill an ex-spy with a Novichok nerve agent. Iconic crooner Iosif Kobzon and Russia-backed separatist leader Aleksandr Zakharchenko were buried, and President Vladimir Putin was lionized in a lavish and fawning prime-time program on state TV.

Here are some of the key developments in Russia over the past week, and some of the takeaways going forward.

Risky Business

For anyone familiar with the story of former Russian security agent Aleksandr Litvinenko's agonizing death 12 years ago, the accusation had a familiar ring: On September 6, British authorities announced charges against two Russians they believe made their way from Moscow to the sleepy city of Salisbury and smeared a Soviet-designed nerve agent known as Novichok on the door of Russian ex-spy Sergei Skripal's home in March. With intent to kill.

Prime Minister Theresa May told parliament her government has concluded the men are officers of Russia's military intelligence agency, known as the GRU, and that this was no rogue operation but a mission "almost certainly approved outside the GRU, at a senior level of the Russian state."

Russia's 'Obfuscation And Lies': May Accuses Kremlin After Novichok Charges
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May did not mention Vladimir Putin by name, but Security Minister Ben Wallace said on September 7 that Putin "ultimately" bears responsibility because "he is president of the Russian Federation and it is his government that controls, funds, and directs the military intelligence."

The charges led to a new showing of Western unity. But in some ways, putting names and faces to the British accusation will change nothing.

Russia will continue to deny involvement, as Foreign Ministry spokeswoman Maria Zakharova made clear by questioning the Gatwick Airport security-camera evidence and making the straight-faced remark that the names and the faces in the photographs "mean nothing to us."

Zakharova's comments echoed Russian statements about a host of allegations that are seen as airtight by Western officials, such as meddling in the 2016 U.S. presidential election and playing a major role in the downing of a Malaysia Airlines passenger jet over eastern Ukraine in 2014 -- and even involvement in the war there.

Meanwhile, Russian diplomats and state media kicked into gear with a plethora of remarks, reports and tweets mocking the British announcement and muddying the waters for the world audience.

Facing Western wrath at the UN Security Council, Russian Ambassador Vasily Nebenzya decried what he called "baseless allegations" and said that "the only winner in this theater of the absurd" is fashion company Nina Ricci – a reference to evidence that the attackers brought the deadly nerve agent into Britain in a fake perfume bottle.

But some commentators said Russia's mockery masked concern – or should, at least.

Bloomberg Opinion columnist Leonid Bershidsky wrote that May's public accusation was "the latest in a series of black eyes" for the GRU.

Putin "should be as concerned as Josef Stalin was in the 1930s about the service's excessive appetite for risk," Bershidsky wrote, adding: "If, like Stalin in 1934, Putin is interested in deniability, he's not getting it with the swashbuckling GRU."

However, he acknowledged that it may not be that simple, writing that, if Putin's "real interest is in enhancing his reputation as a fearsome enemy," then he "should be fine with the publicity the military intelligence service is getting -- but only up to a point."

'Can't Fake That'

If Putin wants to come across abroad as a fearsome enemy, he seems equally eager to be seen as an unflagging friend and protector of the Russian people – one who "loves children" and "loves people in general."

That's the word from his spokesman, Dmitry Peskov, and one of many messages of praise for Putin sent to the prime-time audience of a reverential hour-long show broadcast on state-run Rossia television on September 2.

Praising Putin: Russian TV Ramps Up Adulation
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"He has a very human, sincere attitude toward children," Vladimir Solovyov, the host of what was billed as a weekly show, said of Putin. "You can't fake that."

Talk of love for children harked back to another Vladimir -- Lenin -- who was sometimes called "grandpa." So did the phrase "humane human," which Peskov used to describe Putin and Solovyov said was associated with the leader of the Bolshevik Revolution.

It was Russia's women who were the target of Putin's charm offensive four days earlier, when he made an unusual televised address to announce a proposed change in pension-reform legislation that has sparked protests.

"We have a special, caring attitude toward women in our country," said Putin, explaining why the retirement age for women should be increased by five years and not eight, as set out in the bill making its way through parliament to his desk.

Since Putin dominates Russian politics and the ruling United Russia party controls the legislature, his proposal is highly likely to be in the pension-reform bill when it reaches his desk.

Kremlin Jitters

But it has done little to quell public distaste for the pension reform that critics say means more Russians will die before they retire.

After all, a five-year increase is what the bill proposed for men from the start -- making the initial call for an eight-year hike for women look like what some analysts say is a typical move by Putin's Russia in its dealings with the West: Put a big rock in the road at the start, then shove it aside and claim you've made a big concession in the name of compromise.

Putin had remained distant from the pension-reform plan until the speech, letting Prime Minister Dmitry Medvedev and his government take the heat all summer over an initiative that a July poll by the Levada Center found was opposed by nearly nine out of 10 Russians.

Not Impressed: Russians Respond To Putin's Pension Changes
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Putin's grip on power seems solid. But four months into a six-year term that could be his last, both the pension speech and the state TV show appear to reflect pangs of concern in the Kremlin about the popularity of the president, United Russia, and the rest of the ruling apparatus -- particularly ahead of local elections that are being held across the country on September 9.

Another July poll, also conducted by Levada, put Putin's approval rating at 67 percent -- the lowest in 4 ½ years.

Four Funerals

For all their disputes, Russia and the United States sometimes seem subject to a kind of eerie mirror effect, with events in both countries reflecting their similarities and differences.

That effect was in effect over the past week or so, with high-profile funerals held for prominent figures in both countries.

The United States said farewell to Senator John McCain -- a decorated veteran who endured torture in Vietnam and an influential lawmaker who was tough on Russia and was widely seen as upholding the country's honor -- and singer Aretha Franklin, the "queen of soul" who President Barack Obama once said transformed hardship and sorrow "into something full of beauty and vitality and hope."

In Russia, the iconic singer who was buried was crooner Iosif Kobzon, the toupée-topped "Soviet Sinatra" who was an indefatigable fixture of gala concerts for decades and was also known for his efforts to negotiate the release of hostages and prisoners of war in post-Soviet Russia.

Like a number of artists and cultural figures, he became a loyal part of Putin's political system by securing a seat in parliament with the ruling United Russia party.

As the Associated Press obituary put it: "His devotion to the Communist party and a repertoire of patriotic songs about the heroic achievements of the Soviet people helped him become one of the most successful performers of the Soviet era…. But to generations of Soviet dissidents and rock music fans, Kobzon symbolized the omnipresent Communist propaganda that contradicted the idea of artistic expression free from censorship and government control."

Plus, some found him just plain poshly -- Russian for tacky.

McCain was an advocate of sanctions against Russia, and Kobzon was a target. Dogged by accusations of involvement in the Russian underworld, he had a U.S. visa revoked in 1995 over alleged criminal ties. Twenty years later, after Russia's seizure of Crimea, he was hit with sanctions by the European Union, which accused him of "undermining or threatening the territorial integrity, sovereignty, and independence of Ukraine."

At the funeral in Moscow on September 2, Putin sat beside the singer's widow.

Separatist leader Alexander Zakharchenko, who died in a bomb attack in Donetsk on August 31.
Separatist leader Alexander Zakharchenko, who died in a bomb attack in Donetsk on August 31.

On the same day, a funeral ceremony was held in Donetsk for Aleksandr Zakharchenko, the leader of Russia-backed separatists who hold the eastern Ukrainian city and part of the surrounding province.

Zakharchenko was killed by a bomb at a café on August 31, in what Putin called a "vile murder."

His killing generated theories about a culprit and a potential motive, but there was no immediate sign of a shift in the situation in eastern Ukraine. Since Russia fomented separatism following the ouster of Moscow-friendly Ukrainian President Viktor Yanukovych in February 2014, more than 10,300 people have been killed in the war between the Russia-backed separatists and Kyiv's forces.

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About This Newsletter

The Week In Russia presents some of the key developments in the country and in its war against Ukraine, and some of the takeaways going forward. It's written by Steve Gutterman, the editor of RFE/RL's Russia/Ukraine/Belarus Desk.

To receive The Week In Russia in your inbox, click here.

And be sure not to miss Steve's The Week Ahead In Russia podcast. It's posted here or you can subscribe on Apple Podcasts.

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