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Former judiciary head Sadegh Amoli Larijani has come under increased pressure, which includes corruption accusations against him. (file photo)
Former judiciary head Sadegh Amoli Larijani has come under increased pressure, which includes corruption accusations against him. (file photo)

As head of Iran's judiciary for a decade, Sadegh Amoli Larijani held significant power to use the country's legal system to crack down on dissenters, political opponents, and others.

Within months of a new judiciary chief's appointment in March, Larijani's political enemies looked to have been hitting back.

One of the most prominent members of an influential political family, Larijani, 58, has come under increased pressure with the arrest of a former deputy, Akbar Tabari; unprecedented attacks on state-controlled television, where he's been accused of corruption and attempts to silence journalists; and criticism by a senior cleric, Ayatollah Mohammad Yazdi, a former judiciary head who has accused Larijani of misconduct and inefficiency.

The Larijanis have faced corruption accusations in the past, including by former President Mahmud Ahmadinejad, who fell from grace following tensions with Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei and some of whose aides were jailed during Larijani's tenure.

The attacks hint at a battle for power and succession in the Islamic republic that has spilled into the open.

Tipped as a potential successor to the 80-year-old Khamenei, who underwent prostrate surgery in 2014 amid long-standing rumors that he has prostate cancer, Larijani and his brothers still hold key posts.

Some analysts have suggested that the attacks are aimed at diminishing Larijani's chances of becoming supreme leader, while others suggest that Larijani's family, namely his older brother pragmatic parliament speaker Ali Larijani, who's been supportive of President Hassan Rohani's diplomatic efforts, may be the principal targets.

"Nevertheless, whether he is the principle target or not, it is clear that the wider Larijani family will be damaged by the accusations and any political aspirations any of them had, have now been made less possible," Ali Ansari, director of the Institute for Iranian Studies at the University of St. Andrews, told RFE/RL.

'Untrue And Disrespectful'

Media have suggested that an attempt at eliminating the Larijanis is under way.

"The weakening of the position of the former judiciary chief...will not only affect the political future of Sadegh Larijani but will also impact Ali Larijani, who appears to be one of the most likely contenders for the 2021 presidential vote," the reformist Shargh daily said in a recent report.

Iranian Parliament Speaker Ali Larijani (file photo)
Iranian Parliament Speaker Ali Larijani (file photo)

Iran's judiciary on August 21 dismissed claims that appeared on social media that Larijani's other brother, Mohamamd Javad Larijani, had resigned as head of the judiciary's human rights commission.

Larijani, who was appointed by Khamenei in December to head the influential Expediency Council, has said the attacks against him are part of "a pre-planned scenario" to tarnish his image.

In a letter to Ayatollah Yazdi that was published on August 19, Larijani said that the "games" by state TV and other bodies had prompted him to break his silence.

"Unfortunately, you've recently made comments that are not only untrue and disrespectful, but they're rooted in the same issues," Larijani wrote in the letter, which was published by Iranian media.

Yazdi, a member of the Assembly of Experts, which is tasked with overseeing the supreme leader's work and choosing future supreme leaders, had previously accused Larijani of threatening to move to his Iraqi birthplace of Najaf.

"He says, 'If you don't do this, I'll go to Najaf.' Well, go. Your presence in Qom has not been very effective," Yazdi was quoted as having said of Larijani at a recent meeting with officials from the paramilitary Basij force.

"A chief of staff who held an important post for 10 years was arrested. He protests at the reason for his arrest. They built a palace in the name of the seminary. Where did you get [the money]?" Yazdi was quoted as having said in the recent meeting.

Larijani responded by saying that he hasn't made such threats.

"If the deputy executive of the judiciary has committed a crime or corruption, action against him and a fair procedure is the responsibility of the judicial system, and there's no doubt that I'm not in favor of an exception in this case," Larijani said.

"My impact is that I've taught for years in the seminary and university and I've produced works.... What have you done in the area of scientific research?" he added.

He also accused Yazdi of making uninformed comments and baseless accusations while failing to provide any proof.

Damaging Information?

U.S.-based Iranian analyst Ali Afshari said he thinks the attacks against Larijani have a green light from Khamenei, Iran's highest authority. Earlier this month, reports claimed Larijani had indeed written to Khamenei and threatened to resign from his posts and move to Najaf. The reports were quickly dismissed by the Expediency Council.

"These attacks are aimed as a warning to Larijani not to resist or complain about Khamenei's decisions," Afshari said, adding that Larijani's enemies within the hard-line camp of the Iranian establishment are behind the assault.

Iranian Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei (file photo)
Iranian Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei (file photo)

According to reports, Larijani claimed in his letter to Yazdi that he possessed damaging information about senior officials and their offspring.

"They claim that Larijani did not take action against corruption. But in reality the issue is that [some people] have been unhappy with Larijani's work as judiciary chief, he didn't meet their expectations, and he didn't back their attacks on his brother Ali Larijani," Afshari told RFE/RL.

Afshari added that current judiciary chief Ebrahim Raisi, also tipped as a contender for the post of supreme leader, could benefit from a weakened Larijani.

As judiciary chief, Raisi, who was defeated by Rohani in the 2016 presidential election, has vowed to fight corruption. The head of the judiciary's intelligence and security department, Ali Abdollahi, said on August 15 that the "cleansing" within the judiciary is taking place on orders from Khamenei.

Both Raisi and Larijani are accused by international rights groups of serious human rights abuses.

Afshari said that, while Khamenei appears to be tilting toward Raisi, whose profile has risen in recent years, it is too soon to predict Larijani's fate.

Current judiciary chief Ebrahim Raisi (left) with Sadegh Amoli Larijani earlier this year.
Current judiciary chief Ebrahim Raisi (left) with Sadegh Amoli Larijani earlier this year.

The outcome of Tabari's case for allegedly "exerting influence on legal cases" could shed light on what's in store for Larijani, he says.

For now, there appears to be a concerted effort to put a lid on the public dispute. Larijani's letter has been removed from the website of the Expediency Council, and senior clerics have called for calm.

Earlier this week, the daily Javan, affiliated with the powerful Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps (IRGC), called on Larijani and Yazdi to use anti-filtering tools to evade official blocks so they could read comments on filtered social media and see for themselves the damage they've caused the country.

"Corruption has always been the Achilles heel of the regime, and few, if any, of the elite are immune," Ansari said.

"The danger has always been that, if we get into a spiral of accusation and counteraccusation, the entire system will unravel," he added.

Iran is among the world's most corrupt nations, according to Transparency International, which ranked it 138 out of 180 countries in its 2018 Corruption Perception Index.

Two people in a costume depicting the Russian state symbol of a double-headed eagle take part in a rally in St. Petersburg calling for opposition candidates to be registered for elections to Moscow's city council.
Two people in a costume depicting the Russian state symbol of a double-headed eagle take part in a rally in St. Petersburg calling for opposition candidates to be registered for elections to Moscow's city council.

Officially, United Russia -- the political party that has dominated national, regional, and local politics since it was created by the Kremlin in 2003 -- is not participating in the September 8 elections to choose a new Moscow City Duma. Its logo does not appear on any campaign advertising and will not figure on the ballot papers.

None of the candidates -- not even the 10 United Russia incumbents seeking reelection -- is running under the auspices of the party.

But it isn't hard to see the hand of the party -- an extension of the office of Moscow Mayor Sergei Sobyanin -- dominating the heavily managed election process if one heeds the age-old dictum of investigative reporting: Follow the money.

That's what the independent media outlets Dozhd TV and Novaya gazeta did earlier this month, using election commission documents to show that the main sources of funding for the purportedly independent United Russia candidates were all tied very closely to the ruling party itself.

Moscow Election Commission records show that 31 candidates nominally running as independents but with long-running ties to United Russia have received some 800 million rubles ($12 million) from six noncommercial foundations that are also connected to United Russia and/or its pro-Kremlin sister organization, the All-Russia Popular Front (ONF).

Three of the organizations -- the Popular Projects Foundation, the National Foundation for the Support of Regional Cooperation and Development (NFDR), and the Foundation to Support Future Generations -- are registered at the same street address, Banny pereulok 3, as United Russia. Between them, they contributed 400 million rubles ($6 million) to faux independent candidates from United Russia.

The Foundation for The Rights of Borrowers, which donated 97 million rubles ($1.5 million), is registered at the same address as the ONF. The Center for Monitoring Industrial Development is a project of the ONF. The National Educational Resources Foundation is a project of the All-Russian Pedagogical Congress, which is a project of United Russia. The last two organizations donated more than 30 million rubles ($500,000) to United Russia-linked candidates, according to candidate declarations filed with the Moscow Election Commission.

The blog Depdep has created a post with links to all the documents.

'The System Is Shaking'

United Russia apparently made the tactical decision to mask its participation in the elections because the party entered the election season with historically low approval ratings. Much of the public has turned against the party after it passed a law raising retirement ages, raised the VAT rate, adopted a program to tax long-distance trucking, and cracked down on local protests in many cities against numerous controversial proposals for coping with solid waste.

Heaps Of Trouble: Moscow Dumps Waste On Russia's Provinces
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"I am convinced that the system is shaking," Lyubov Sobol, a lawyer with opposition politician Aleksei Navalny's Anticorruption Foundation who was disqualified from participating in the elections after officials invalidated many of the signatures she submitted, told RFE/RL in an interview in June. "The popularity ratings of United Russia, of [President] Vladimir Putin, and of the government are falling. People don't want to support the party of power, and they don't trust it."

"The authorities haven't been this weak for many years because they really have lost the support of a majority of Russians," Sobol concluded.

Russian police detain opposition figure Lyubov Sobol near her office in Moscow on August 10.
Russian police detain opposition figure Lyubov Sobol near her office in Moscow on August 10.

The decision to keep a low profile, however, created new problems for United Russia's preferred candidates -- problems such as financing, which the party has resolved using its firm grip over the notorious "administrative resources" of Putin's authoritarian ruling structure.

For one thing, under Russian law, candidates put forward by parties that are represented in the State Duma do not have to collect and submit signatures supporting their candidacy. Independent candidates, on the other hand, face the often onerous task of gathering signatures from 3 percent of the voters in the district they hope to represent.

The signature requirement was introduced to give the authorities levers to control which candidates appear on the ballot.

The requirement to collect signatures and the process of having the signatures approved by the government-controlled election commission makes the Moscow City Duma an "impenetrable fortress," in the words of political analyst Andrei Pertsev.

Authorities indeed used the signature requirement to disqualify nearly all of the genuinely independent candidates who tried to participate in the elections, prompting large demonstrations in the capital and turning normally dull regional elections into a major political crisis.

In this campaign, however, United Russia's faux independent candidates faced the task of somehow producing the required signatures from an angry electorate.

Speaking to Meduza in June, Andrei Metelsky, the head of United Russia's Moscow branch who is seeking reelection to the City Duma as an "independent," tried to turn the signature problem into a virtue.

"United Russia wants to show that it's not afraid of challenges, and it's not afraid to reach out to Muscovites to collect signatures," Metelsky said.

The same month, activists with Navalny's team spotted an online advertisement offering 1,000 rubles for signatures. Following the advertisement led the activists to an office where signatures were allegedly being falsified in industrial quantities to support United Russia's "independent" candidates.

Navalny's activists found and filmed a similar operation in support of the United Russia candidate for governor of St. Petersburg, Aleksandr Beglov.

Tools Of Control

Moscow authorities are reportedly using other tools to control the political crisis around the election. Rejected would-be candidates have been repeatedly arrested for participating in unsanctioned demonstrations, often being rearrested just moments after being released on a previous charge.

Navalny himself has alleged that he was poisoned while he was being held. He spent 19 hours in the hospital being treated for what officially was called "an allergic reaction."

After rejecting an opposition request to hold a demonstration against the rejection of the independent candidates on Moscow's Sakharov Avenue on August 24, the city authorities organized a concert there, supposedly in honor of the 350th anniversary of the Russian flag. The Flag Day holiday, however, was on August 22, and the tricolor flag was first flown in 1667 or 1668, meaning the 350th anniversary has already passed.

Nonetheless, the city administration is reportedly pressuring budget-sector organizations such as schools and hospitals to compel staff to attend the event.

On August 22, the Moscow metro system filed a lawsuit against Navalny and several of the rejected would-be candidates seeking compensation for losses allegedly incurred during the recent demonstrations, when police restricted access to public transport. Earlier the city companies that run the bus lines and that oversee the roads also filed similar suits.

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"Watchdog" is a blog with a singular mission -- to monitor the latest developments concerning human rights, civil society, and press freedom. We'll pay particular attention to reports concerning countries in RFE/RL's broadcast region.

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