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Troops disembark from a Chinese military helicopter during joint war games held in northwestern China in August 2021.
Troops disembark from a Chinese military helicopter during joint war games held in northwestern China in August 2021.

Reports that Moscow has asked China for military equipment have raised fresh questions about how far Beijing is willing to go in backing Russia as it faces cutting sanctions and mounting international pressure over its war in Ukraine.

The Russian call for help -- which was reported by the Financial Times and several other major newspapers on March 13, citing U.S. officials -- consists of requests for military hardware and other forms of assistance and has raised concerns that China may help the Kremlin undermine European and Asian efforts to punish it for its February 24 invasion of Ukraine and curb its war against Ukraine.

The officials did not detail the specific equipment that Moscow had requested or the Chinese response, but assistance from Beijing would mark a significant development signaling ardent ties between China and Russia in the face of international condemnation of the Kremlin's invasion and its targeting of civilian areas in Ukraine with rockets and artillery.

The revelations -- which both China and Russia have said are untrue -- come against the backdrop of a series of leaked U.S. intelligence reports surrounding Beijing's relationship with Moscow and in the run-up to Russia's invasion, including that Russian President Vladimir Putin informed Chinese counterpart Xi Jinping in early February about his war plans.

Was Russian President Vladimir Putin (left) any more truthful to Chinese President Xi Jinping about his invasion plans during their meeting in Beijing on February 4?
Was Russian President Vladimir Putin (left) any more truthful to Chinese President Xi Jinping about his invasion plans during their meeting in Beijing on February 4?

The leaked intelligence reports are part of a strategy by Washington to dissuade Beijing from increasing its support of the Kremlin by laying out political, economic, and reputational consequences that China could suffer for backing Moscow more strongly.

"We don't know exactly what Moscow asked for, but this is consistent with a pattern of leaks the U.S. intel community has done over the course of this crisis and those leaks have proven to be credible so far," Alexander Gabuev, a senior fellow at the Moscow Carnegie Center, told RFE/RL. "This is aimed at putting pressure on China to say publicly that it won't sell arms or dual-use technology to Russia."

Yang Jiechi (file photo)
Yang Jiechi (file photo)

The reports also come as U.S. national-security adviser Jake Sullivan met in Rome with Yang Jiechi, China's top foreign policy official, on March 14. The talks are part of a follow-up conversation to U.S. President Joe Biden and Chinese President Xi's virtual meeting in November but will also focus on China's support of Moscow and its position toward the war.

How Far Will Beijing Go?

China has tried to portray itself as an impartial actor in the Ukraine crisis and repeatedly called for a diplomatic solution to the crisis. European and Ukrainian officials have also called for Beijing to play a role in pressing Putin to negotiate, with China even being mentioned as a potential mediator.

But China has so far refused to condemn Russia for invading Ukraine and shown few signs that it is willing to abandon the tight cooperation it has built with Moscow in recent years in the face of Western pressure.

While looking to create some official diplomatic distance between it and Russia recently, Beijing has backed Moscow's narrative of the war through its state-controlled domestic media coverage and promoted Russian disinformation campaigns abroad, including a debunked claim that the United States is developing biological weapons in Ukraine.

A Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesperson said on March 14 that reports that Moscow had asked for military equipment for its campaign in Ukraine were "disinformation" and Kremlin spokesman Dmitry Peskov also denied them, saying Russia had the "self-sufficient potential to continue the [military] operation."

Andrew Small, a fellow at the German Marshall Fund in Berlin, says that given the extent of China-Russia ties, it's plausible for Beijing to assist Moscow with such a request, but a lot depends on how much of a cost China is willing to pay for such support and what kind of "collateral damage to its reputation" such a move could bring.

"The [United States] is saying with these leaks that they are watching closely and will expose any moves [from Beijing to Moscow] and attach a cost to them," Small told RFE/RL. "That's not something the Chinese have had to deal with before and it's creating more pressure."

During comments to the U.S. Senate Intelligence Committee on March 8, CIA Director William Burns hinted at how increasingly brutal tactics against Ukraine have created new tensions within the China-Russia relationship.

"I think [Beijing is] unsettled by the reputational damage that can come with their close association with President Putin," Burns said. "I think they're a little unsettled about the impact [the war has] on the global economy. I think they're a little bit unsettled by the way in which [Putin] has driven the Europeans and the Americans much closer together."

Jake Sullivan (file photo)
Jake Sullivan (file photo)

Sullivan has also pointed toward some potential areas of strain between Beijing and Moscow, when discussing earlier leaked reports that Xi was briefed on Russia's plans for Ukraine, although perhaps not informed about the wider scope of the invasion.

"China, in fact, was aware before the invasion took place that [Putin] was planning something, [but] they may not have understood the full extent of it," Sullivan told CNN on March 13. "Because it's very possible that Putin lied to them the same way that he lied to Europeans and others."

Complicated Ties

The U.S.-China talks in Rome are unlikely to yield anything concrete and it's uncertain if the Americans' pressure campaign will succeed in limiting Chinese support for Russia as its economy is in free fall and its military assault has faced stiff Ukrainian resistance.

"What benefit does China have at the moment to throw the Russians under the bus?" Raffaello Pantucci of London's Royal United Services Institute told RFE/RL. "Moscow may not look as strong as it did before the invasion, but it's still on China's side and a powerful actor. Given the more hostile mood in the West towards Beijing, there's little upside right now for China to abandon Russia."

In Rome, Sullivan intends to warn Yang about any future efforts from China to bolster Moscow's war or undercut Ukraine, the United States, and their partners. "We will not allow that to go forward and allow there to be a lifeline to Russia from these economic sanctions from any country, anywhere in the world," he said in the CNN interview.

Beyond the reported request for military equipment, China could also offer some form of economic relief to Russia.

Russian Finance Minister Anton Siluanov said on March 13 that sanctions had deprived Moscow of access to $300 billion of its $640 billion in gold and foreign-exchange reserves. He added that there was international pressure on Beijing -- predominantly from its largest trading partner, the United States -- to shut off more.

While Xi has expressed concern and frustration about the impact of sanctions on global finance and the Chinese economy, Beijing is treading cautiously and so far is respecting sanctions against Russia.

But the Carnegie Center's Gabuev says to expect Beijing to be as active in the Russian economy as it can be while still respecting the sanctions regime.

The oil and gas sector, which so far has not been hit, is an area of interest for China, but Beijing will likely wait for the Russian economy to continue to decline and then make deals that "serve China's economic interests and frame them as assistance."

"Once the Russian economy finds its bottom and it's clear what is permissible and what is not, China is likely to search for more commercial opportunities [in Russia]," Gabuev said.

A TV screen shows news about Russia's invasion of Ukraine at a shopping mall in Hangzhou, in eastern China, on February 25.
A TV screen shows news about Russia's invasion of Ukraine at a shopping mall in Hangzhou, in eastern China, on February 25.

While international audiences saw images of besieged Ukrainian cities and thousands of civilians fleeing the country through humanitarian corridors that have faced Russian bombardment, Chinese viewers were shown Russian aid convoys bringing supplies to beleaguered Ukrainians.

China's People's Daily, the official newspaper of the Communist Party, posted a video on March 9 on Weibo, the popular Chinese social-media platform, showing Russia providing humanitarian aid to Ukrainians outside Kharkiv, a Ukrainian city near the Russian border that has faced artillery and rocket attacks since Moscow's February 24 invasion. The video received more than 3 million views.

In other coverage, the Moscow correspondent of China's Phoenix TV has issued reports while embedded with Russian troops outside of Mariupol, a strategic port city that is the scene of stiff fighting. In a recent clip he speaks with soldiers about their steady advance and talks to civilians allegedly welcoming the presence of Russian forces.

Since the beginning of the war in Ukraine, China's tightly controlled media and heavily censored Internet have provided increasingly skewed coverage, omitting details on civilian casualties and the widespread international condemnation of Moscow, while quoting Russia's own state-backed networks and broadcasting the views of Russian officials -- without verification or pushback -- to its domestic audience.

While Beijing is threading the needle diplomatically and looking to put breathing room between it and its close ties with the Kremlin in the face of mounting international pressure over its invasion of Ukraine, China's state media and vocal officials are increasingly converging with Moscow's distorted narrative of the war -- even beginning to push conspiracy theories against Ukraine and the West in the process.

"U.S. biolabs in Ukraine have indeed attracted much attention recently," Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesman Zhao Lijian said on March 8, echoing a conspiracy theory regularly pushed by Russian media and online accounts that some Western officials charge could be part of an effort by the Kremlin to justify its invasion by saying that Ukraine is working on biological or nuclear weapons.

"All dangerous pathogens in Ukraine must be stored in these labs and all research activities are led by the U.S. side," Zhao added, without providing evidence to support the claim. U.S. and Ukrainian officials say the allegation is baseless.

China, Russia, And The Ukraine War

The biolab theory has been a mainstay of Russian state media -- and even some embassy accounts on social media -- with a recent report by Foreign Policy magazine highlighting how it has taken hold among American far-right online conspiracy networks and spread to other countries as well.

It is also not the first time it has been referenced by Chinese officials, with Foreign Ministry spokeswoman Hua Chunying first raising the claim about biolabs in Ukraine during a May 2021 press conference.

Chinese diplomats have also frequently pointed to Fort Detrick -- a U.S. military facility in Maryland that the Soviet Union falsely claimed in the 1980s was the source of the virus causing AIDS and has often been a target of Russian disinformation -- to deflect questions when asked about the origins of COVID-19.

A man and a child flee Russian shelling of the town of Irpin, outside Kyiv, on March 6.
A man and a child flee Russian shelling of the town of Irpin, outside Kyiv, on March 6.

But the timing and renewed push of the theory could be part of a wider strategy, with Britain's Defense Ministry tweeting on March 8 that while the baseless claims are long-standing (Ukraine has stated that it has no such facilities), they "are currently likely being amplified as part of a retrospective justification for Russia's invasion of Ukraine."

The biolab story also fits with a growing trend of convergence between Chinese and Russian sources that has accelerated since the war in Ukraine, with false and misleading stories echoed by Chinese media and receiving hundreds of millions of views on Weibo in the process.

Throughout the war, Chinese media have helped spread dubious Russian-state narratives about Ukrainian forces using civilians as human shields while also saying the Russian military only goes after other military targets, despite the shelling of dozens of apartment blocks and other civilian structures.

WATCH: CCTV video has surfaced showing a car carrying two pensioners being blown apart by an armored column at a crossroads in Makariv in the Kyiv region on February 28.

Video Shows Elderly Couple Being Killed By Russian Armored Column
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Chinese networks have also magnified and spread Russian disinformation, such as when Chinese state broadcaster CCTV quoted Russian officials to falsely claim that Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskiy had fled the capital, or when the state-backed Global Times, citing the Russian state network RT as its only source, said many Ukrainian soldiers had surrendered on the first day of the invasion.

Taken together, this highlights a different version of the war that viewers and online users are seeing in China compared to most of the world and how Chinese authorities have allowed the Kremlin's propaganda networks to shape its public's perception of the war with few restrictions.

For instance, the Kremlin-backed Sputnik has over 11.6 million followers on Weibo and other Russian outlets also have large and engaged followings inside China, where access to many other foreign media outlets and major information sites are blocked or restricted.

This has contributed to Russian claims about Ukrainian officials being extremists and neo-Nazis to be regularly adopted online and also picked up by Chinese-language outlets, which often reference the Azov Battalion -- a fringe unit of the Ukrainian National Guard known for having neo-Nazi sympathizers in its ranks -- and show it as representative of wider Ukrainian society.

More Than Censorship

Control of all Chinese media by the Communist Party and intensive Internet censorship make it difficult to gauge public opinion, while pervasive censorship also means the pro-Russian sentiment online in China is likely not representative of the country as a whole.

But the types of content that are allowed online or published by state-backed media show what Chinese authorities want their population of 1.4 billion people to think.

China's government has neither condemned nor condoned Russia's war in Ukraine and has even refrained from calling it an "invasion." Both expressions of sympathy for Ukraine and support for Russia appear online and in social media, but criticism of Moscow is regularly censored, according to China Digital Times, a group that tracks Chinese censorship and online discussion at the University of California, Berkeley.

Russian President Vladimir Putin (left) and Chinese President Xi Jinping meet in Beijing on February 4.
Russian President Vladimir Putin (left) and Chinese President Xi Jinping meet in Beijing on February 4.

Chinese President Xi Jinping and Russian counterpart Vladimir Putin have grown closer in recent years and heralded a new era in their ties during a joint meeting in Beijing on February 4.

While Russia's invasion of Ukraine has left Beijing awkwardly distancing itself diplomatically from the Kremlin, the shared messaging from both countries' state media shows that ties are still intact and they could be growing in the information space, an area where many experts say cooperation has been developing in recent years.

Xi and Putin have signed a variety of media-cooperation agreements over the years and have held a Sino-Russian media forum annually since 2015.

A December report by the Center for European Policy Analysis (CEPA) found that both China and Russia had played a central role in spreading COVID-related disinformation and propaganda throughout the pandemic. However, the report did not find clear-cut evidence of direct cooperation between Beijing and Moscow, instead noting that they "borrowed from and amplified each other's campaigns."

Similarly, a June report from the Carnegie Moscow Center found that while both countries' state-backed media and officials often echo similar talking points and narratives on world events, this is largely due to Beijing and Moscow having shared "strategic objectives" in global affairs.

"Chinese and Russian online behavior are largely the result of Chinese actors' careful but independent study of and creative adaptations of the Kremlin's tools, rather than an expression of active, ongoing cooperation between the two governments," the report noted.

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About The Newsletter

In recent years, it has become impossible to tell the biggest stories shaping Eurasia without considering China’s resurgent influence in local business, politics, security, and culture.

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