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Geldy Kyarizov describes Ovadan Depe as a "horrific" place whose inmates rarely saw the sky and were starved to the point of emaciation and despair.
Geldy Kyarizov describes Ovadan Depe as a "horrific" place whose inmates rarely saw the sky and were starved to the point of emaciation and despair.

After armed guards led Geldy Kyarizov through the gates of Ovadan Depe, a prison in the Turkmen desert outside Ashgabat, they tore the sack off his head and told him, "Only God can help you now."

A little later, cellmates in the maximum-security prison's "special block" had another warning for the newcomer: "Nobody has left this place alive yet," they told him. "People only arrive here."

Kyarizov did get out alive, though. Sentenced to six years in prison on charges he says were groundless, he was abruptly freed in 2007 after eccentric autocrat Saparmurat Niyazov died and was succeeded as president by Gurbanguly Berdymukhammedov, who has made moderate changes but continues to rule Turkmenistan with an iron hand.

In a rare account of life in the secretive former Soviet republic's toughest prison, Kyarizov described Ovadan Depe as a "horrific" place whose inmates rarely saw the sky and were starved to the point of emaciation and despair.

"They do not torture inmates with electricity or tear the flesh off their bodies with red-hot tongs. No, it is not necessary to do that there. People are simply deprived of food there -- they torture by hunger," he told RFE/RL by telephone from Moscow, where he has been living since he left Turkmenistan in September.

"Only skin and bones are left," Kyarizov said of the inmates. "And they look at each other like monkeys in a zoo."

Seven Minutes Of Sky

Ovadan Depe means "picturesque hill" -- a name derived from the prison's location on a rare rise in the Kara-Kum desert 50 kilometers northwest of Ashgabat, the Central Asian country's capital.

The name is a piece of bitter irony for inmates, according to Kyarizov. When he was there, prisoners were allowed outside their cells once a week, for seven minutes, when they were escorted out of the special block for a shower and a shave.

"In those seven minutes, while they take you through a corridor -- a 3-meter by 4-meter room with a metal grate above -- you can see the sky," he said. "Nobody sees the sky otherwise. In the cell, the window has a very thick metal grid and it is covered by metal blinds on the outside. You cannot see anything directly through it. You have to bend to be able to see the sky."

Kyarizov's life has been shaped by the whims of Turkmenistan's autocratic leaders.

A longtime champion of the desert country's iconic Akhal Teke horse breed, he was instrumental in returning the majestic animal to prominence after the 1991 breakup of the Soviet Union -- whose government had barred individuals from breeding and owning the horses in order to discourage private farming and nationalist sentiment and allowed the rare horses' meat to be used for consumption, which went against Turkmen traditions and mentality.

Known for the natural metallic sheen of its coat and its grace as a show jumper, the Akhal Teke evokes Turkmenistan's cherished nomadic heritage. It is featured on the country's post-Soviet seal.

Known for the natural metallic sheen of its coat and its grace as a show jumper, the Akhal Teke evokes Turkmenistan's cherished nomadic heritage.
Known for the natural metallic sheen of its coat and its grace as a show jumper, the Akhal Teke evokes Turkmenistan's cherished nomadic heritage.

Kyarizov's role in the reversal of the breed's fortunes made him something of a national hero and landed him a place in the elite under Niyazov, who appointed him minister of horse breeding.

The ministry was later transformed into the Turkmen Atlary (Turkmen Horses) State Agency, which Kyarizov led until he suffered an abrupt change of fortune: He was arrested on December 31, 2002, on charges of negligence and abuse of office that he said were groundless and politically motivated.

Suspected, Never Charged

Kyarizov, who is now 64, was swept up in a purge launched by Niyazov after what Turkmen authorities said was an assassination attempt against him five weeks earlier, on November 25.

Several dozen so-called Novembrists -- former officials associated with the alleged ringleader, then-Foreign Minister Boris Shikhmuradov -- are known to have been imprisoned in Ovadan Depe, which Niyazov ordered built the same year to house convicted political activists, opposition figures, and alleged Islamic extremists.

Shikhmuradov, who was sentenced to life in prison, was widely believed to have been held in Ovadan Depe as well -- but there have been widespread reports saying that he was tortured to death.

Turkmen officials have never revealed Shikhmuradov's location, and have neither confirmed nor denied reports of his death.

The authorities did not formally accuse Kyarizov of involvement in the alleged assassination plot, but he was under constant pressure over suspicions among the authorities -- which he says were misplaced -- that he was a member of Shikhmuradov's circle.

Hard Time

He spent nearly five years in a string of jails and prisons before he was sent to Ovadan Depe in 2006. "They brought me to the Ovadan Depe prison with a sack on my head," he said.

After it was removed, Kyarizov was quickly struck by the security at Ovadan Depe, which was much tighter than at any of the other lockups at which he had been held.

Some of the cells were shut behind iron doors bearing the inscription: "To be opened only in presence of three services: Interior Ministry, KGB and Prosecutor's Office," he said.

Former officials, including Kyarizov, were held in the prison's separate "special block," an imposing structure whose main gate opened vertically to ensure it could never be left ajar.

Inside, each cell had a vertical door and a second lattice door with a hole for food delivery, he said, adding that "it is also locked and sealed. Nobody can open it."

A Trickle Of Food

Life in the cells was miserable, but Kyarizov soon encountered a more pressing problem: Hunger.

Kyarizov's cellmates were so thin that they looked "scary." And they told him that a few months before his arrival, prominent politician Geday Akhmedov -- a former provincial governor who had been decorated by Niyazov as a Hero of Turkmenistan -- starved to death in the same cell.

Kyarizov struggled to avoid that fate.

Breakfast, lunch, and dinner was a thin slice of bread and a small portion of watery millet porridge with no meat, oil, or fat in it -- but, like the bread, with plenty of sand and small stones.

At lunch, each inmate also got a plastic bowl of "soup" -- just boiled water, sometimes with a few scraps of onion or potatoes.

A cup of weak, tepid tea was allowed in the morning, and replaced at lunch and dinner with the boiled leaves of the camelthorn plant.

According to Kyarizov, the food given to inmates was made with leftovers from the meals cooked for the armed guards, young Turkmen conscripts.

"In just five months I lost almost 40 kilograms. I weighed 96 kilograms when they brought me to Ovadan Depe, and my weight was 59 when I was released," Kyarizov said. "That is just in five months -- imagine what happens to those who spend years there."

Surviving Niyazov

Kyarizov was fortunate enough not to find out.

He spent five months at the prison before his release, which followed Niyazov's death in December 2006 and a swift, opaque succession process that put Berdymukhammedov in the presidency.

Berdymukhammedov pardoned Kyarizov weeks after becoming Turkmenistan's new president.

Still president today, Berdymukhammedov has lessened Turkmenistan's isolation somewhat, cultivating ties with rival powers attracted by its natural-gas riches, including the United States, Europe, Russia, and China. But any who hoped Niyazov's death would usher in a new era of rights and freedoms have been disappointed: Turkmenistan remains officially neutral and highly repressive.

Kyarizov's recollections of Ovadan Depe are echoed by more recent reports from groups such as Human Rights Watch, Amnesty international, and Crude Accountability about conditions there.

Crude Accountability, a U.S.-based organization that focuses on petroleum-impacted communities in the Caspian Sea region, said in a 2014 report that "torture is widespread in Ovadan Depe."

"Beatings are a regular occurrence.... Sources describe the use of dogs, batons, and subsequent loss of consciousness, damage to the kidneys, and the inability to walk," the report said. "'Kartsers' or cylindrical dark solitary confinement cells, are also used as a means of torture. The minuscule amounts of food and water, combined with mosquito infestations and extreme temperatures made the stays in the kartsers a psychologically and physically impossible form of torture."

The report's description of food, or lack of it, is similar to Kyarizov's account. It said a source who spent several years in Ovadan Depe "received no food except hot wheat porridge and pumpkin, which was passed to the inmates inside their cells. There was never any meat."

People 'Must Speak Out'

Kyarizov told RFE/RL that his release saved his life. But he was barred from leaving Turkmenistan after he refused to publicly express his gratitude to Berdymukhammedov in a televised statement.

And he found himself shut out of the horse-breeding business, unable to find a job working with the animals due to his "criminal record."

The authorities took the last of his horses, which had been kept by his wife, Yulia Serebryannik, and had his house razed, saying it had been built illegally -- another claim Kyarizov called groundless and politically motivated.

Kyarizov had to abort an attempt to leave Turkmenistan in December 2014. With Russian visas and tickets to Moscow in hand, he and his family went to the airport only to have their documents canceled by officials who said they were barred from leaving the country.

But in September he and close relatives were permitted to leave one by one -- a change of heart he ascribes to international pressure on Turkmenistan to improve its human rights record.

Still, Kyarizov has no plans to return to Turkmenistan, where he fears he and his family would not be safe.

But he said people who want change in Turkmenistan should speak out. "If they keep their mouths shut, this situation will never end," Kyarizov said.

Silence "gives tyrants a free hand," he added. "Keeping silent is bad. I say that not because I am now free and therefore I am brave. No. I say that because I know that thousands of people are still in jails there."

Khadija Ismayilova has continued to do the job that won her awards before her arrest: working to highlight human rights abuses and government corruption in the oil-rich Caspian Sea state. And she says she won't stop.
Khadija Ismayilova has continued to do the job that won her awards before her arrest: working to highlight human rights abuses and government corruption in the oil-rich Caspian Sea state. And she says she won't stop.

Jailed investigative journalist Khadija Ismayilova was standing inside a soundproof isolation booth at Baku's Court of Appeals when she managed to issue her latest report on rights abuses in Azerbaijan.

Knowing that Judge Ilgar Murguzov could flip a switch to mute her microphone at any point during the November 19 hearing, Ismayilova demonstrated the power of her pen by hastily scribbling two sentences and pressing the message to the glass.

"On Sunday, underage detainees in Cells 63 and 64 of Bloc 2 were banging on the doors in protest," it read. "They were beaten and illegally moved into solitary confinement."

In her year behind bars, RFE/RL contributor Ismayilova has continued to do the job that won her awards before her arrest: working to highlight human rights abuses and government corruption in the oil-rich Caspian Sea state. And she says she won't stop.

To mark the first anniversary of her imprisonment, Ismayilova this week passed a message to RFE/RL through her family from Women's Prison No. 4 in Baku, where she was transferred on November 27 to serve a 7 1/2-year prison sentence.

"I am still on my journey," she said in the December 3 message. "I continue my fight. As on the first day that I arrived in jail, I still have my smile and my sense of humor. At my trials, I feel as though I have been the winner."

Ismayilova mocks her September conviction on tax-evasion and fraud charges, describing the case as a trumped-up attempt to silence her and discredit her reporting on corruption at the highest levels of President Ilham Aliyev's government.

WATCH: 'Mom, Be Strong, They Won't Let Me Go'

'Mom, Be Strong, They Won't Let Me Go'
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In lieu of silence, she has spotlighted alleged abuses within Azerbaijan's justice system and the Kurdaxani pretrial detention center outside of Baku where she was held for nearly a year after her arrest on December 5, 2014.

The power of Ismayilova's pen was demonstrated by the speed of the government's response to her scribbled words at her November 19 court hearing.

Later the same day, she was visited by a representative from Azerbaijan's Human Rights Commission who promised to investigate her complaint. Ismayilova stressed that solitary confinement for detainees under the age of 18 violates Azerbaijan's human rights obligations as a member of the Council of Europe and as a signatory of the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child.

Two days later, Rashid Rumzadeh, head of the National Prevention Group of the government's Human Rights Commission, announced that Ismayilova's complaint had been investigated.

Rumzadeh said the underage detainees violated the detention center's rules and were moved to different cells, but he denied that they had been punished with solitary confinement.

Singing For Freedom

In her pretrial detention cell at Kurdaxani, Ismayilova would sing opera arias. At first, her cellmates complained about the peculiar daily routine. But Ismayilova won them over by explaining they have the right to sing.

She says she sings because she and other inmates can, and it is vital not only to know your rights but to exercise those rights every day.

Other acts gained Ismayilova respect from fellow inmates.

During one court appearance, Ismayilova mentioned that Kurdaxani jail was not feeding detainees the required daily meat allowance. The jailers promptly increased meat portions for all inmates.

Ismayilova also helped overturn one young girl's pretrial detention order at Kurdaxani by writing the appeal for her.

Khadija Ismayilova: One Year Behind Bars
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About 90 percent of the books sent to Khadija by friends are still circulating at Kurdaxani because Ismayilova gave them to other inmates once she finished them.

Due to stomach surgery shortly before she was jailed, Ismayilova has the right to receive home-cooked meals from her mother.

Her mother always brought four extra portions and when the jailers at Kurdaxani would allow a delivery, Ismayilova shared the food with her cellmates.

Getting The Word Out

The authorities try to prevent Ismayilova from filing reports from jail.

Most letters she has written have been seized without being delivered. On several occasions, prison authorities have searched her cell and confiscated her notes -- including trial material she was preparing for her defense and communications with her attorneys.

Still, at trial appearances, Ismayilova highlighted the vast riches compiled outside the oil-rich country by President Aliyev's family.

From within the soundproof dock, she cleverly circumvented the judge's microphone switch by telling the court she owned specific properties and offshore companies in Panama, Dubai, and Britain. She then apologized for making "a mistake," adding that she'd meant to say the owners were members of the president's family.

Ismayilova has also managed to sneak some writing out of jail through intermediaries -- including letters published by The Washington Post and by two journalistic organizations to which she contributed before her arrest -- RFE/RL and the Organized Crime and Corruption Reporting Project.

In a February letter, Ismayilova wrote: "It is not easy at all to move justice forward, but always worth trying. Even when the result is a failure, for the sake of justice, for our own sake, 'what for' is more important than 'how' and 'when.'"

In another letter, smuggled out in March, Ismayilova detailed how the authorities denied her the right to visits by her relatives and lawyers. She wrote: "The fight between good and evil goes on, and the most important thing is that this fight should not end.... Prison is not frightening for those trying to right a twisted scale, or for those who are subject to threats for doing the right thing. We see clearly what we must fight for."

Ismayilova also completed an Azerbaijani translation of a novel called Children Of The Jacaranda Tree by Iranian-born author Sahar Delijani -- a story that gives voice to thousands of political prisoners killed during a 1988 purge within Iran's prisons. She managed to sneak her translation out of Kurdaxani for publication.

Future Expectations

Ismayilova says her jailers increase pressure on her every time her smuggled work is released.

She was placed in solitary confinement at Kurdaxani after her February and March letters were published abroad. She wrote later that a positive side punishment was the view of a tree from the window of the solitary-confinement cell.

The authorities also began body searches of her lawyers and relatives after their visits to try to stop her from smuggling out her writings.

On November 25, Judge Murguzov rejected Ismayilova's appeal against her conviction.

Now, from the quarantine area for new arrivals at Women's Prison No. 4 in Baku, Ismayilova says she expects further appeals to be rejected by her last remaining recourse in Azerbaijan -- the country's supreme court.

Failing there, Ismayilova plans to take her case to the European Court for Human Rights in Strasbourg and present examples of what she says were violations of her right to a fair trial. Those include the confiscation of her defense notes, the denial of private meetings with her attorneys, and the muting of testimony.

Meanwhile, Ismayilova says she is eager to complete the adaptation process at Women's Prison No. 4 and be moved in with other prisoners so that she can document any rights abuses she encounters there.

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About This Blog

"Watchdog" is a blog with a singular mission -- to monitor the latest developments concerning human rights, civil society, and press freedom. We'll pay particular attention to reports concerning countries in RFE/RL's broadcast region.

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