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A woman holds a placard reading "You can't shut up everyone!" as journalists and supporters take part in a protest against censorship in Moscow in September.
A woman holds a placard reading "You can't shut up everyone!" as journalists and supporters take part in a protest against censorship in Moscow in September.

Funerals are being held for soldiers. Shopping malls have more and more vacant storefronts. Prices are rising, and goods are disappearing from store shelves.

These are some of the stories that Russia's non-state regional media outlets have reported on in recent weeks. But what they can't tell their audiences is the story behind all of these stories: the story of what the Kremlin euphemistically calls its "special military operation," the war in Ukraine.

"Pskovskaya Guberniya tried to continue working under wartime conditions," said the former editor in chief of the last independent media outlet in the northwestern Russian city of Pskov, Denis Kamalyagin. But on March 5, one day after Russia adopted draconian new laws on the "dissemination of information that discredits the armed forces of the Russian Federation," OMON riot police showed up in force at the online newspaper's offices.

"OMON put all these 'dangerous criminals' face down on the floor and ransacked the office over a supposed administrative offense," Kamalyagin said. "Continuing to work after they confiscated all our equipment, after their threats, after they blocked our website and our social media channels was impossible…. There is no room for independent journalism in Russia."

Denis Kamalyagin is the former editor of the last independent media outlet in the Russian city of Pskov. "There is no room for independent journalism in Russia," he says.
Denis Kamalyagin is the former editor of the last independent media outlet in the Russian city of Pskov. "There is no room for independent journalism in Russia," he says.

Kamalyagin and most of the newspaper's long-embattled staff have since left Russia. He hopes to reassemble Pskovskaya Guberniya and renew publication from outside the country in the near future.

"It is hard getting information when you are abroad, but we still have not only our own sources but also our local stringers," Kamalyagin told RFE/RL's North.Realities.

Although the closure or blocking of major national media like online channel Dozhd, Ekho Moskvy radio, and RFE/RL's Russian-language programming has received considerable international attention, the plight of non-state local and regional media has been less well documented. But at that level, as well, the Kremlin is conducting a scorched-earth campaign that is uprooting the last of the country's embattled independent media.

The state media monitor Roskomnadzor has forbidden Russian media from using the words "war" or "invasion" in connection with the attack on Ukraine and has warned them only to publish information from Russian government sources.

On March 22, the State Duma passed an additional bill that would criminalize the dissemination of "false information” about the activity of Russian state agencies abroad, including that of the prosecutor's office, the National Guard, the Emergency Situations Ministry, the Foreign Ministry, and others. Like the criminal law against discrediting the armed forces, the new bill -- which a Kremlin spokesman said on March 23 that President Vladimir Putin would sign “quickly" -- stipulates punishments of up to 15 years in prison.

WATCH: TV2 in Tomsk, Siberia, was among the last free and independent regional media outlets in Russia. But the company's unfettered journalism was not in sync with the country's restrictive political climate. The station's broadcasts were shut down at the end of 2014. (Originally published in 2019)

Death Of A Station: The Rise And Fall Of Free Media In Russia
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In the Siberian city of Tomsk, the once highly respected TV2 regional television station, which was forced off the air in 2015, has closed after its Internet programming was blocked.

The popular Taiga-Info portal in Novosibirsk has been blocked, although it continues to function.

In Yakutsk, capital of the Sakha Republic, the portal Ykt.ru, which has operated since 1999, shut down on March 9, just days after the new censorship law was passed.

"It has become clear in recent days that this portal cannot last long as an independent space," founder Arsen Tomsky wrote in a farewell editorial. "In order to preserve the reputation of this portal and its team, our illustrious history, we have decided to end the work of Ykt.ru."

Vadim Vostrov, the director of TVK television in Krasnoyarsk: "We do whatever we can for those who still have their common sense."
Vadim Vostrov, the director of TVK television in Krasnoyarsk: "We do whatever we can for those who still have their common sense."

Vadim Vostrov is the director of TVK television in Krasnoyarsk, which continues to broadcast, although it is besieged by attacks on anonymous Telegram channels.

His staff "has done all we could under the circumstances," he said, explaining that it is possible to report about slain local servicemen and the social and economic effects of the war -- even as the new legislation and pressure from the state make it impossible to report accurately on the war itself.

"We give space to psychologists to talk about how to cope with all that is happening," Vlasov said. "In short, we do whatever we can for those who still have their common sense."

Taiga-Info's Yaroslav Vlasov: "It would be honest to say that we are now afraid of everything because they can come for us for any reason."
Taiga-Info's Yaroslav Vlasov: "It would be honest to say that we are now afraid of everything because they can come for us for any reason."

Yaroslav Vlasov, a journalist with Taiga-Info, said that when the war in Ukraine was launched, the website tried to cover the war independently, without repeating the Kremlin's unfounded claims.

"From February 24, we tried to cover the 'special operation' in detail from both sides," he said, adding that his website was perhaps the first media outlet in the country to give specific information about local soldiers killed in the conflict.

"I think that is why they quickly blocked us," Vlasov added. "Although the formal pretext was the same as it is for everyone: that we insisted on calling things by their real names."

"After the passage of Putin's law on military censorship on March 4, we -- like most remaining media in Russia -- were forced to delete all of our reporting about the 'special operation,'" he said. "As a result, we decided to stop covering it at all so that we wouldn't have to disseminate just the one-sided information of the Defense Ministry. We focused on articles about the economic crisis, protest actions, and other consequences of the president's decision.

"It would be honest to say that we are now afraid of everything because they can come for us for any reason," Vlasov said.

The same worries haunt Yelena Ivanova, editor in chief of the independent news agency Svobodnye novosti in the central Russian city of Saratov.

"We are consulting with legal specialists and lawyers and no one can tell us when, where, and how we might step on a mine," she said. "For the media, everywhere has become a minefield."

Yelena Ivanova is the editor in chief of Svobodnye novosti in Saratov. "We don't know how to work," she said. "And every morning we wake up to this same nightmare."
Yelena Ivanova is the editor in chief of Svobodnye novosti in Saratov. "We don't know how to work," she said. "And every morning we wake up to this same nightmare."

She said that Roskomnadzor has not published a list of the "official government sources" that it is acceptable to cite. If the governor reports the death of a conscript and the agency covers that, but then later the Defense Ministry says he was a contract soldier, does that mean Svobodnye novosti has violated the law and "discredited" the army, she asks.

"We don't know how to work," she said. "And every morning we wake up to this same nightmare."

Nonetheless, she added, none of her staff plans to leave Russia.

"We live and work in Saratov," she said. "We are simply trying to practice journalism in this situation as best we can and to remain -- no matter how pathetic this might sound -- honest people."

Written by Robert Coalson based on reporting from Russia by RFE/RL's North.Realities.
The Scheherazade superyacht is currently anchored at the Marina di Carrara port in Tuscany. (file photo)
The Scheherazade superyacht is currently anchored at the Marina di Carrara port in Tuscany. (file photo)

A superyacht that Kremlin opponents claim secretly belongs to Russian President Vladimir Putin shared the same construction manager and European crew members as several other yachts owned by Russian tycoons that Western governments have either seized or targeted with sanctions, an investigation by RFE/RL has found.

RFE/RL also discovered that a senior Russian crew member on the Scheherazade, which is worth an estimated $700 million, previously worked for a Russian yachting company that secured millions of dollars in contracts from the Kremlin’s security service, whose officers have allegedly served on the crew of the yacht.

The investigation is based on an analysis of a crew list for the Scheherazade -- whose ownership is being probed by Italian authorities -- that was published on March 21 by associates of imprisoned Russian opposition leader Aleksei Navalny.

The mystery of who owns the 140-meter ship, now docked in the posh port of Marina di Carrara in Tuscany, has swelled in recent weeks amid the Italian probe and an unprecedented Western sanctions campaign following Russia’s invasion of Ukraine last month.

Navalny’s team claimed to have identified multiple crew members as officers in Russia’s Federal Guard Service (FSO), which is responsible for Putin’s security, adding to evidence of the ship’s possible ties to the Russian president.

WATCH: Exiled supporters of jailed Russian opposition leader Aleksei Navalny have released a video with what they say is evidence that a $700 million yacht anchored in an Italian harbor belongs to Russian President Vladimir Putin.

Navalny Supporters Claim To Have Evidence Of Putin Superyacht
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The ship was even shrouded in mystery for the crew, a source who worked aboard the Scheherazade told RFE/RL. The source, who spoke on condition of anonymity due to security concerns, said the absence of the yacht’s name and port of registry was “very unusual,” and that crew members would refer to the vessel by a numeric code rather than its name.

“It was a very big secret,” the source said.

All The Oligarchs' Yachts

Construction of the Scheherazade, which was completed by the German company Lurssen in 2020, was overseen by the Monaco-based Imperial Yachts, which also managed the construction of luxury ships linked to Putin confidant Igor Sechin, head of the Russian state oil giant Rosneft, and billionaire Alisher Usmanov, whom the White House identifies as “a close Putin ally.”

French authorities in early March announced that they had seized the alleged Sechin-linked Amore Vero, while the United States has targeted Usmanov’s yacht Dilbar with sanctions.

The Amore Vero is owned by a company linked to Igor Sechin, the chief executive of the Russian energy giant Rosneft.
The Amore Vero is owned by a company linked to Igor Sechin, the chief executive of the Russian energy giant Rosneft.

At least two individuals listed on the Scheherazade crew list have worked for Imperial Yachts, public records indicate, including New Zealand-born carpenter Nicholas Snooks, who also worked on Usmanov’s yacht. Both he and the other crew member who public records show has links to Imperial Yachts -- a British woman named Esme Leyland -- were listed as “additional workers” on the crew list published by Navalny’s team.

Attempts by RFE/RL to reach the ship’s crew members were unsuccessful.

A spokesman for Imperial Yachts told RFE/RL that the company’s involvement with the Scheherazade ended with its delivery in June 2020. He said that the company was aware of the identity of the yacht’s owner but said “as is customary in the industry, client confidentiality is considered paramount.”

He said that while the company “notes the recent press speculation” it is “not aware of any involvement [by Putin] whatsoever” with the yacht.

The ship’s British captain, Guy Bennett-Pearce, told The New York Times this month that Putin had never owned or set foot on the Scheherazade. He said that Italian investigators have been scrutinizing the ship’s paperwork.

The Scheherazade’s first captain, meanwhile, has also worked on other yachts that have been linked to Putin associates and have been hit with Western sanctions. The captain, a U.S. national named Alexander Scherbakov, piloted the ship for two months after its construction was complete, according to his LinkedIn profile.

Vladimir Putin and confidant Igor Sechin in 2010.
Vladimir Putin and confidant Igor Sechin in 2010.

The profile states that in 2017-19, Scherbakov served as captain on the 65-meter superyacht Rahil, which was owned by Grigory Bayevsky, a business partner of Putin’s longtime friend Arkady Rotenberg, who has been sanctioned by the United States and the EU.

A 2016 investigation by OCCRP revealed that Putin’s daughter Yekaterina Tikhonova listed her official residence as an apartment outside Moscow owned by Bayevsky.

In the summer of 2014, meanwhile, Scherbakov worked on the yacht St. Vitamin, owned by Kremlin-linked tycoon Yevgeny Prigozhin, according to his LinkedIn profile. In 2019, the United States targeted St. Vitamin and other Prigozhin-owned assets with sanctions.

The Russian Purser

The crew list released by Navalny’s team also revealed a link to a well-known Russian yachting company that has notched millions of dollars in state contracts with the FSO, whose officers are alleged by Navalny’s team to be crew members of the Scheherazade.

The Scheherazade’s purser -- who is responsible for various aspects of a yacht’s operation, including financial administration -- is listed as Viktoria Kulikova. A Facebook account of a woman listing the same name and date of birth as in the crew lists indicates her place of work as Burevestnik Group. In 2017, Kulikova was listed as a sales manager for Burevestnik.

Founded by prominent Russian businessman Andrei Boyko in 2003, Burevestnik is the most prominent company in the Russian yachting world. While Boyko was arrested in 2009 on smuggling charges that were ultimately dropped, his company has benefited since from lucrative state projects.

In 2018, Russia’s state-owned shipping company Sovcomflot granted Burevestnik the rights to manage the Sochi Grand Marina, which was built in the southern Russian resort town of Sochi for the 2014 Winter Olympics.

An analysis of state tenders by RFE/RL’s Russian Service shows that between 2008 and 2012, Boyko’s company that owns the Burevestnik Group trademark -- AG Marin -- won a total of 38 contracts to provide patrol boats and related supplies to the FSO totaling 507.6 million rubles, or $17.2 million according to the average exchange rate during that period.

Kulikova did not respond to requests for comment about her work as a purser for the Scheherazade. A person who answered the phone at Burevestnik Group said she no longer worked there.

Burevestnik did not respond to an inquiry about whether it had any involvement with the Scheherazade, nor did the FSO.

Changing Of The Guards

Purportedly leaked images of the Scheherazade’s interior were published by the British tabloid The Sun on March 22. They show a tiled dance floor that can be lowered down to become a swimming pool, as well as a self-leveling billiards table that adjusts to the yacht’s movement, a jacuzzi on the deck, and a workout room featuring a framed photograph of a robe for judo -- one of Putin’s favorite sports.

Images of the Scheherazade’s interior were published by the British tabloid The Sun on March 22.
Images of the Scheherazade’s interior were published by the British tabloid The Sun on March 22.

The documents released by Navalny’s team show that the yacht is owned on paper by a company called Bielor Asset Ltd., an anonymous company registered in the Marshall Islands.

The spokesman for Imperial Yachts told RFE/RL that it has no business relationship with Bielor or with the FSO, as “crewing the yacht would have been after Imperial’s involvement.”

On March 23, the AFP news agency cited an unidentified source close to the probe being conducted by Italy’s financial police that the matter could be concluded within days.

"We are in a phase of delving deeper and it's generally more complicated," AFP quoted the source as saying. "It's not always easy to attribute ownership."

Meanwhile, both AFP and London’s The Times cited Paolo Gozzani, an official with the Italian union CGIL, as saying that a British crew had taken over for the Russians on the yacht for reasons that were not immediately clear.

The source who has worked on the Scheherazade told RFE/RL that the same type of exchange happened after the superyacht was delivered after completion in June 2020, but in the other direction: a British crew was replaced by a Russian one.

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"Watchdog" is a blog with a singular mission -- to monitor the latest developments concerning human rights, civil society, and press freedom. We'll pay particular attention to reports concerning countries in RFE/RL's broadcast region.

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